Longreads
- Doidge, Karolyi, Shen, Stulz: why does the US have so few publicly-listed firms? In the late 90s, the US was widely seen as a nation of investors, with widespread equity ownership, pop culture references to the market, multiple news channels entirely devoted to stocks, etc. But now, relative to the size of its economy, the US has relatively few public companies. The classic explanation for this is Sarbanes-Oxley, and a look at some of the smaller-cap companies listed in Europe or Japan indicates that the ongoing cost of being a listed company is lower there than here and that listing standards in some parts of the world are quite relaxed. The other side of the equation, though, is that the US had a bigger private equity industry earlier than other places, and many of the companies that would naturally be public are PE portfolio companies instead. Meanwhile, many of the companies that don't make sense as PE portfolio companies specifically don't work because they're good strategic acquisitions instead, so part of the reason the US still has such a large and valuable equity market is that the purely financial deals that made sense got done, and the more strategic deals did, too.
(Via Abnormal Returns.) - Agree Ahmed on the rise and fall of the Hanseatic League. This is a great piece on institutions and how they evolve. The Hanseatic League was a collection of late medieval North German mercantile city-states, which banded together to fight off pirates and rules (at times, the distinction between the two was not especially clear-cut). What they did was to carve out free trade zones where they could ship goods cheaply, but wouldn't have to worry about competitors, and they compensated local rules for lost tariff revenue through upfront payments. Sometimes, the story feels very Coasian—at one point the League negotiated a clarification on their contract, making their preferences hereditary, in exchange for a small lump-sum payment. But they ran into the classic problem of cartels, where it's expensive to create a cartel, and lucrative to participate in one, which encourages shirking and cheating. The League was an economically optimal structure when state capacity was scarce, but it was too narrow a bundle of quasi-government services to compete against nation-states, while being too broad to compete with regular companies.
- Austin Vernon on startups producing physical commodities. Some of the patterns that show up in SaaS and mobile apps are visible in domains like steel production and fracking, albeit on different scales and to different degrees. This piece is a good synthesis of what they have in common and what's quite different about them. One of the highlights is the point that some ideas don't quite work when they're first conceived, but improve faster than competing ones, so at some point there's an unlock where they're strictly better than the legacy approach, and since efficiency is often a rough function of cumulative units produced, they actually improve faster from that point onward.
- Santi Ruiz has 50 quite balanced thoughts on DOGE. The saddest part of this essay is The DOGE That Could Have Been, an organization ruthlessly committed to improving the overall efficiency of what the government does and what other entities do when they interact with it. Instead, DOGE is focusing on the most measurable outcomes, headcount and spending. But a pure focus on those misses the high cost of time, which produces fewer headlines than the deficit or the number of bureaucrats at various departments, but which is—partly as a result of this deficit of attention!—more ripe for improvement. One way to think about the potential improvement is to think of total jobs eliminated in both the public and private sectors: if one incremental person-year of paper-pushing saves ten person-years of waiting for the appropriate paper to get pushed, it's eliminating wasteful jobs in an economic sense even if it adds a job in an accounting sense. Now that DOGE has a ticker of programs eliminated and a habit of generating headlines about jobs cut, it's hard to change course. A good reminder to be very careful about choosing KPIs, especially if you don't have the private sector fallback of maximizing profit.
- Simon Willison on using LLMs to code. (It includes links to examples, which is always a good way to calibrate.) One notable feature of this piece is that a lot of it is about the right psychology, rather than a list of tips-and-tricks. It's very easy to get into a flow state when a computer is doing more of the messy work, but that also means it's all too easy to lose track of what you're doing. So one of the skills that programmers who use LLMs need to cultivate is the ability to pause from time to time, read some documentation, and write code themselves.
- In this week's issue of Capital Gains, we take a look at different ways recessions can happen, and why financial crises as a recession driver have gotten more common over time.
- And in The Riff this week: AI and the written word, the new editorial line at the Washington Post, PEPFAR, and more. Listen with Spotify/Apple/YouTube.
Books
A preposterously wealthy South African magnate achieves unprecedented political influence in the most powerful country on earth, and embarks on risky and highly controversial business/political adventures while flirting with the far right. Everything old is new again, because this is an accurate description of Cecil Rhodes, eponymous founder of both the Rhodes Scholarship and Rhodesia, and organizer of the De Beers' diamond monopoly. A mixed bag.
What's striking in this book is that, at least in Africa, the British Empire was eager to outsource conquest to what was basically the private sector. This was partly a way to ensure that the empire was conquering places that would be lucrative to rule, and partly a way to tamp down international tensions—there was a difference between Her Majesty ordering an incursion into land controlled by Portugal or Germany and a private company sending some well-armed prospectors in the same direction. At the time, there was a sort of two-track diplomacy, where European powers treaded lightly with one another, but tended to treat local governments as being under the personal ownership and control of tribal leaders, whom they could bribe or lie to with impunity. And, given the technology gap, that was basically the case: a private British company could win a war against a local tribe, even if it wasn't the highest-ROI approach.
Rhodes had a simple personal life: no marriage, no kids. There was a young man who worked for his company, shared a house with Rhodes, was the sole beneficiary named in Rhodes' will, etc., a series of decisions that Rhodes' contemporaries politely pretended to find baffling. (That man died in a horse-riding accident, and Rhodes does not seem to have had another relationship like it.) So Rhodes was able to devote all of his time and energy to making money, turning it into opportunities for the British Empire to expand, and then turning these newly-conquered territories into opportunities for further financial gain.
This was often an extremely brutal process. One of the notable incidents in the book is a good example of why trust in elites matters: Rhodes and his Chartered Company have used a pretext to take over the lands of the Ndebele, a tribe they’d previously had a treaty with, and the soldiers Rhodes recruited have been promised cows and land, both of which they expropriate. But around the same time, there’s a disease outbreak among the cattle, and the British, being fairly up-to-date on medical science, start culling herds, both their own and the remaining ones still held by the Ndebele. The Ndebele, of course, see this as a British scheme to kill the cows they haven’t taken in order to make their loot more valuable. Governments at many times in history have been limited in how they can respond to pandemics because they’ve taken reputation-destroying shortcuts.
Semi-privatized empire-building is a model that's shown up at many times in history. Rome's conquests had elements of this, Alexander the Great and Napoleon were constantly conquering places that had enough precious metals to pay their soldiers, and United Fruit works as a more recent example. What tends to happen to this model is that there's an upfront return, but maintaining a mercenary military force over long periods is expensive. So they expand, and use either loot or (more recently) the capitalized value of the returns they expect from their newly-conquered territory as funding. But eventually, the model just runs out of steam.
Diary of a Very Bad Year: Interviews with an Anonymous Hedge Fund Manager: One of the newer entries in the finance book canon, this is a collection of interviews in which a non-financial writer talks to a portfolio manager at a multi-strategy hedge fund, starting during the early rumblings of the financial crisis and extending through the point where markets were recovering and the broader economy was, at least, getting worse more slowly.
One of the questions I like to ask about any business book is: why did this very well-informed source leak so much alpha to a journalist? The null hypothesis is that people love talking about things they're good at to an interested audience (signaling you have alpha is a pretty great way to attract more), and they like to set a narrative where they're not the party responsible for whatever went wrong. But in this book's case, I think another live possibility is that the pseudonymous fund manager in question wanted to get as much practice as possible ahead of chats with limited partners who were pulling capital, and having an opportunity to walk through the mechanics of a financial crisis in terms a less sophisticated person could understand was a valuable one.
The structure of the book is that it’s a series of point-in-time interviews—the author very helpfully includes a few macro stats, including credit spreads, at the start of each chapter. So part of what you’re getting is a look at how someone’s thinking evolves as the crisis gets worse: the hedge fund manager underestimates just how bad the market will get early on, but he does make some prescient calls about things like risks to the euro (he’s worried about Italy rather than Greece, but has the right general worry), and that it takes a while for the credit cycle to restart after a big crisis. And he mentions that one negative scenario is the US’s credit rating getting downgraded, though he imagines this as a much more apocalyptic scenario than it turned out to be. This is always one of the hard things about learning from market history: the easiest way to anchor the start or end of an economic cycle is by looking at big market turns, so it’s very helpful to read someone talking about the market in mid-2009 and wondering whether it’s a bear market rally or a real recovery.
That’s not the only time the book talks about retrospective information gaps. There’s a fun bit about the collapse of Madoff’s fund, where the manager being interviewed wasn’t familiar with Madoff, but the day of the collapse he asks a colleague, who has a similar strategy to the one Madoff claimed, whether a Madoff liquidation will affect the market. That colleague says that Madoff was obviously a ponzi scheme and that there’s nothing to liquidate. “What was incredible was that it was one of those situations where kind of everybody knew except the people who needed to know.”
One of the better digressions in the book is on the question of: where did all the money go? The first crash I was aware of was the dot-coms, and at the time the answer to that question was: most of the trillions of dollars of market value that got wiped out didn't really exist in the first place, except by inference. Companies with low floats can have high theoretical values that in no way reflect what the business would sell for in a private transaction, not to mention where it would trade once the lockup expired. Credit is different, and there isn't a concept of "free float"—every dollar raised in credit markets is a dollar someone once had and no longer does, and that dollar had to pass through some chain of custody resulting in the borrower being unable to return it to the lender later on. The book's interviewee traces all of this and says that it ultimately ended up in the hands of the people who did the work that wouldn't otherwise have gotten done: structuring and selling mortgage-backed securities, sure, but also selling mortgages, selling houses, building houses, extracting the natural resources required to do that. You can't really seize the retrospective consumption of the marginal seller of inputs we turned out not to need. So that's where the money goes: somebody spent it, and they were almost certainly so disconnected from the bad decisions that it doesn't make any sense for them to have to pay.
(Stay tuned for more on Diary of a Very Bad Year.)
Open Thread
- Drop in any links or comments of interest to Diff readers.
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